*** StudyCourse :: The Conversion of KHAZARS to Jews and thence TRANSFORMATION to ZIONIST ATHEISTS ***

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Self-Study Course : The Conversion of KHAZARS to Jews and thence
TRANSFORMATION to ZIONIST ATHEISTS

First, we will present the TRANSFORMATION, using HIGHLY AUTHENTIC
source . Lying and Deception is the second nature of zionists , so we
cant contaminate ourselves with an iota of it. We present evidence
from the mouth of TORAH true jews which you will also see with your
own eyes in a unique style.

Rabbi Israel Domb - The Author of THE TRANSFORMATION
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1QfgvDXsDds


Rabbi Israel Domb ushers me into the dining room of his terraced house
in Stamford Hill. With a lace-covered table that fills the room and
glass-panelled sideboard, we could almost be in Eastern Europe in the
50s. Now 86, Domb shuffles slightly in the slippers that, with his
long, black satin coat, make up his housewear. But he exudes the twin
qualities of self-containedness and benevolence that mark those who
believe they've arrived at a place of existential and spiritual
certainty.

Bizarrely, the entire proceedings are filmed by a young man neither of
us was expecting. Wanting to capture the discourse of one of their
elders, and aware of the increasing need for publicity material,
Neturei Karta in New York have commissioned videos of most of my
interviews.

Domb's long life testifies to the experience of 20th-century Jewry. He
came to England from Poland in 1939, and lost his mother and sisters
in the Holocaust. But it has also been a life lived countercurrent: he
visited the newly founded state of Israel in the 50s and started
speaking and writing against Zionism, which made him unpopular with
the Orthodox community. The publication of The Transformation , the
definitive exposition of the Neturei Karta worldview, confirmed his
status as one of the movement's main spiritual leaders. Bound in dark
red leather, and the length of a short novel, its register is hard to
place, with its blend of theological assertion and historical-
political commentary written in a style dating from decades ago.

He insists that the politicised turn of his life grew out of his
upbringing in a deeply religious family. He tells me how, when the
Nazis came, a Polish teacher offered to hide his two blonde sisters.
'My mother said, "I appreciate your kindness. But I would rather they
should die as Jews than be brought up as non-Jews." I come from a
family of very strong convictions. Neturei Karta is nothing new.'

Domb claims that while most modern Jews have departed from true
Judaism, the Neturei Karta - which means 'guardians of the holy city'
in Aramaic - are the minority charged with keeping the faith. The
movement was established in Jerusalem in the 30s. Its supporters,
living in the Holy Land since the 18th century, had always opposed a
Jewish state and were concerned about the growing pressure to
establish a Jewish homeland. Domb insists that its tenets go back to
the origins of Jewish identity.

'Neturei Karta is not an idea, it's not a new trend, it's not a party
with a programme,' he tells me. 'It is the authentic Jewishness of the
Jewish people.' At its theological heart lies the belief that the Jews
have been exiled for their sins and are destined to suffer, a fate
which will be redeemed only when divine intervention, with the coming
of the Messiah, changes the world order. In the meantime, Jews must
remain stateless, living under the rule of whichever country hosts
them. Zionism, as the desire for a sovereign state, represents a
blasphemous rejection of God's will. 'An earthly solution for the
Jewish people is not possible, because we are not destined for any
earthly happiness. The Jewish people should come to their senses and
see that the Zionist state is one big misfortune,' says Domb.

In conversation, Domb frequently distinguishes the religious level -
the messianism that forbids the Jews political intervention - from
what he calls the 'mundane' or worldly perspective. When he talks on
this second level, his observations are sharpened with a campaigning
edge. 'When the Zionists speak about peace, they want peace, but what
it means is a peaceful occupation,' he says. But he also has a Middle-
European, black sense of humour, chuckling grimly to himself as he
invokes the worst excesses of human behaviour: 'Were they invited to
the West Bank? Were they invited to Ramallah and Jenin? Were they
invited to throw out from their homes around 600,000 Arabs?'

The political solution Domb advocates is, ironically, more radical
than the PLO's, which recognised Israel's right to exist in 1988. He
has no hope that this will happen, but he thinks the Israelis should
renounce their claims to land within the 1948 borders and make
reparations to the Palestinians. With the state of Israel dismantled,
Jews could remain in the Holy Land, but live under Palestinian rule.
But ultimately, he stresses, Neturei Karta's objection to Israel rests
on theological rather than political grounds. 'The very existence of
the Jewish state is diametrically opposed to Judaism,' he says. 'But
as it happens, the Arabs have suffered, and it is our duty to say to
them: "It is morally wrong, it is illegal from the worldly point of
view, and we are not part of it. So don't blame all the Jewish people
for the sufferings which you have had."'

The acknowledgement of this injustice, he says, imposes an obligation
on the Neturei Karta to actively seek out Palestinians to make clear
their position. Speaking slowly and with emphasis, he declares: 'It's
an encouraging matter that young people come out, speak against
Zionism. But they also have to guard against speaking nonsense and
overdoing it.'

Unsurprisingly, Neturei Karta's brand of overt protest finds them
little favour with the leaders of Britain's Jewry. The Chief Rabbi
Jonathan Sacks, speaking at the Zionist Federation's Israel
Independence Day rally at Wembley, where one of the Neturei Karta set
alight an Israeli flag, condemned their stance as 'unforgivable'.
Neville Nagler, director general of the Board of the Deputies of
British Jews, dismisses them as 'a fringe organisation, off the wall'.
He claims that their 'vicious hostility to Israel, their willingness
to desecrate the Sabbath to show up at demonstrations' isolates them
even from the Orthodox community among whom they live. Rabbi Tony
Bayfield, head of Britain's Reform Synagogues, says that Neturei's
religiously grounded anti-Zionism is untenable nowadays: 'The
intellectual and theological battle was lost the best part of a
century ago. It's no longer relevant or meaningful. For the vast
majority of Jews, the existence of the state of Israel is not
negotiable.' It's a paradoxical attitude - dismissing the group as
irrelevant while evincing palpable hostility - which is perhaps a
measure of how far the Neturei Karta touches on the central, raw nerve
of the Middle East conflict: Israel's right to exist.

The Neturei Karta in New York have long experience in handling public
protest and controversy. Based in the city's Monsey area, the bigger,
more established group has been organising anti-Zionist protests since
1948, some of which, they say, have attracted up to 30,000 Orthodox
Jews. Their leader, Rabbi Moshe Beck, visiting his sons in London and
speaking through a Yiddish interpreter, tells me that the heightened
tension of the past year has caused some supporters to fall off and
provoked threats against him and other activists. But many remain
steadfast. 'Those that do it are prepared for whatever consequences,'
he insists, adding: 'All our actions are no more or less than
proclaiming the truth - it's not a political idea.'

Beck, a frail-looking man of 68 who does not once make eye contact
during our hour-long meeting, seems an unlikely character to be at the
frontline of so much conflict. Born in Hungary, he emigrated to Israel
soon after its establishment. What he saw there - the emergence of a
modern, secular society, combined with the government's harsh
treatment of the Palestinians - horrified him, clashing as it did with
the inner religious life he was pur suing through study and
reflection. Then he met Neturei Karta's most respected leader, Amram
Blau, and became active in the Jerusalem-based movement. But in 1973,
feeling it was no longer right to live in Israel, he and his family
moved to New York.

In Israel, Neturei Karta's position is very different. Part of the
ultra-Orthodox community in the Mea Shearim quarter of Jerusalem, the
group denies the legitimacy of the government, refusing to pay taxes
and avoiding military conscription into the Israeli Defence Forces. In
the 60s and 70s they fought an often violent campaign for observing
the Sabbath, finally persuading the authorities to close some of
Jerusalem's streets on the holy day.

Its leader and self-styled foreign minister, Rabbi Moshe Hirsh, who
considers himself a Palestinian Jew, ran a high-profile campaign in
the 80s to be appointed as Neturei Karta's representative in the PLO.
In 1994, Arafat endorsed his position as the Palestinian National
Authority's Minister for Jewish Affairs but, as a non-Arabic speaker
and unable to deal directly with Israeli representatives because of
Neturei Karta's refusal to recognise the Israeli government, Hirsh has
had a more advisory than ministerial role in the Palestinian adminis
tration. He has used his position as a platform for campaigning, in
2000 urging Arafat to unilaterally declare an independent Palestinian
state.

But for the most part, Neturei Karta's activities are fairly low key.
Hirsh, who claims 10,000 supporters in Jerusalem, says that the group
is so well established that taking to the streets is felt to be
unnecessary. 'We don't recognise the government; everyone knows that.
We don't see the need,' he says.